The focus of this paper is to demonstrate that international trade is a major instrument of diplomacy. Adopting a qualitative research approach which involves utilization of documentary sources, the paper demonstrates the extent to which trade has remained a major instrument of diplomatic bargaining. Delving into history, the study establishes that contrary to the prevailing “free trade” mantra, virtually all the major economic powers adopted versions of protectionist trade both at the formative and every stage of their industrial growth. In comparative terms, the paper assessed Nigeria’s version of protectionist trade as a viable strategy for its economic growth, however, the inability of the country to take advantage of this strategy for its industrial take-off lies within the triple challenges of strategies of its adoption, domestic and external inhibitions. The paper recommends creative and pragmatic strategies for effectively implementing achievable development-driven protectionist trade policies.

Leadership plays a significant role in determining the process and direction of a country’s foreign relations. This is because foreign policies emanate from the high table of leaders who determine how they are packaged and implemented. It has been posited that foreign policy of any country is a function of the leader in power. Thus, political scientists develop theories in order to explain policies of countries whether individual leaders can contribute to the success or failure of their country’s foreign policy. This paper tries to answer the question as to whether leadership makes a difference in the success of foreign policy in the Gambia. It examines whether the Gambia’s foreign policy has always been greatly influenced by the personalities of its leaders since independence. It also exposes the impact of leadership style on policy formulation and implementation by both Presidents Jawara and Jammeh respectively to demonstrate the influence of leadership quality as the basis of sound international relations.

Despite rising anti-globalisation sentiments and increasing nationalism rhetoric across the World, trade based on identified opportunities and capacities remains strategic to the growth and development of sub-Saharan Africa. In lieu of this, we make a case by applying the Decision Support Model and the Growth Identification and Facilitation Framework (GIFF) to assess the scope for improved bilateral trade between Nigeria and Turkey. By mapping Turkey’s import demand and matching them with specific product exports in which Nigeria has current and latent comparative advantage, we outline opportunities for significant growth in trade between the two economies. We take into account possible constraints to trade and identify food products, animals, manufactured goods, chemicals, rubber and plastics, and related products as opportunities for Nigerian exporters to exploit to harness the gains from international trade; as should other African countries.

This paper examines the reasons why the IGAD peace mediation in the current civil war in South Sudan collapsed. The IGAD mediation was characterised by inconsistencies, contradictions, sudden changes and retractions. This lack of steadfastness gave contradictory signals to the warring parties, which at last made them loose trust in the regional organisation. Both parties accused IGAD of siding with the other. The underpinning factor of the inconsistencies in the IGAD mediation is the diverging national interests of member states. IGAD failed to put at the centre of its peace mediation the plight of the people of South Sudan. The central argument the paper tries to advance is that national self-interest of the mediators caused the collapse of the mediation. The trust of the warring parties on the mediators is a necessary condition for a successful mediation.

This article examines the impact of the growing incidence of xenophobic attacks against Africans in India on Afro-India Relations. Basically it speculates on what India stands to lose in its relations with Africa following the rise in ‘Afrophobia’ in the country. Relying on secondary sources of material and inferences from them, the paper explores various dimensions of Afro-India relations and shows why it is in India’s best interest to curb this growing menace.

Over the past decade up until 2013, economies in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) grew at an average of 5 per cent; with some countries dubbed to be growing at “East Asian rates”. This growth has however not translated into inclusive and sustainable growth and development of the region. This paper rides on the premise that institutions matter to the type and pattern of growth and development across economies. If the trend of deindustrialisation being experienced in much of SSA is to be reversed, the role of institutions need to be put in proper perspective and understood. This is particularly so within the context of a region so vastly characterised by informality. Some other emerging issues in the discourse border on the forms of institutional change processes needed for industrial development in SSA economies, how environmental sustainability can be mainstreamed into the industrialisation agenda of SSA economies, among others.

This paper examines and analyses inconsistencies in selected political discourses of key players of the All Progressive Congress (APC) led Federal Government of Nigeria within the theory of pragmatics by employing the Gricean maxims of Cooperative Principle to investigate such political discourses. It begins by looking at the centrality of communication in fostering good governance followed by a review of related literature and a discussion of the theoretical framework. The data for the study was obtained from selected political discourses of major stakeholders in the current administration since it came to power on May 29, 2015 and responses of randomly selected one hundred and fifty respondents via questionnaires. The findings revealed that there were indeed inconsistencies in the political discourses of the government of the day. These inconsistencies did not only flout the maxims of quality, quantity and manner, but also, have implications for the governed. These implications manifested in form of implicatures drawn by the respondents whose interpretation of these inconsistencies meant a lack of clear policy direction and sincerity on the part of the government. 71% of the respondents believed that these inconsistencies have contributed to hardship brought about by high foreign exchange rate which has crippled the naira, led to job losses, lack of foreign investment etc. The paper concluded by proffering suggestions on how these inconsistencies can be avoided and consequently, the trust of the citizenry earned.

There are contradictions located in the Nigerian political economy. There is small group of elite that controls the political and economic levers of the state for the perpetuation of its hegemonic interests, and indulges in a panoply of stupefying ostentation, grandeur and waste while the majority leads a precarious existence. The youth precariat class, now a dangerous class, has emerged all over the country vociferously demanding equal access to the resources of the state, which up until now have been in the stranglehold of the plutocracy. Situating this study within Social Conflict Theory, the conflict between the dominant minority with the dominated majority appears unavoidable and increases Nigeria’s fragility if existing contradictions in the Nigerian political economy are sustained. This paper calls for a multi-stakeholder intervention to arrest the looming apocalypse that may threaten Nigeria’s statehood unless the social and economic realities of the youth precariat class are improved upon.

Over the years, Nigeria has struggled to prevent the incidence of election related violence. However, it appears the more efforts are made to overcome this threat to democracy, the more hydra-headed it grows. Election related violence in Nigeria can be grouped into pre-election, election and post-election violence. Pre-election violence occurs before election; election violence occurs during polling while post-election violence starts from collation of election results. Early Warning systems have been discovered to be a major strategy and weapon to curbing outbreak of violent conflicts. To this end, this paper examines the imperative of adopting Early Warning in curbing post-election violence in Nigeria.