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African Renaissance
Published Since: 2004
Publishing Discontinued: The journal is published regularly
Publication Frequency: Quarterly. AR is one of the longest surviving social science journals published by Africans.It is currently indexed at EBSCO, J-Gate, ProQuest, Sabinet and accredited by IBSS and SCOPUS.

The phenomenal growth of the global political economy over the past fifty or so years has been matched not only by widening gaps in income between individual states and between individual citizens, but also the monumental increases in the number of people that the earth’s depreciating and dwindling resources can feed or support comfortably. Beyond the resulting tensions, further irritations have emerged and coalesced over the years around the apparently embedded global divisions of labor (and the associated rewards) as well as the socio-economic and cultural effects and, particularly, power it imbues (or denies) to particular social groups or parts of the world. The net effect is that the contemporary global system remains beleaguered by a hodgepodge of issues and grievances. In consequence, tensions and conflicts have become rife around not only religion, ethnicity/race, but also the so-called “new” security challenges to human wellbeing such as health pandemics............

When Obama became the first Black President of USA, African leaders and citizens had great expectations that one of their own had finally come to occupy the most powerful position in the world – as president of the United States of America. Because Obama’s father was Kenyan, there were expectations that he would give Africa and its challenges a prominent position in his foreign policy options. In fact shortly before the 2008 election, a Senior Obama Africa adviser articulated what he said would be Obama’s policy for Africa if he won the elections. These included accelerating Africa’s integration into the global economy; enhancing regional peace and security; deepening democracy and accountability as well as reducing poverty  (Schaefer,  Floranceand Kim, 2014). Largely because the promises were generic and couched in altruistic terms, they were not objectionable even to Obama’s opponents.............

One of the questions that fascinated policymakers and academics following the terrorist attacks in the USA on September 11 2001 was whether foreign aid could be used to stop terrorism ( see for instance Azam and Thelen, 2010; Sharma, Davis and Findley, (2009);   Savun and   Hays (2011). For those who believe it can, often the ideological or philosophical basis of their position was a certain belief that the frustrations of supposedly unhappy people in poor countries predispose them to terrorism. This in turn led to conclusions by some Americans that increasing the country’s “wavering commitment to foreign aid” could at least be part of the solution (Graham, 2012). In fact, Lindsay, Greenberg and Daalder (2002) had shortly after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the USA argued:............

The recurrent attempts by African leaders to prolong their stay in office have become one of the defining features of the African continent. The frequency of these incidents creates the impression that such a practice is an African invention. The article debunks this perception by tracing its remnants from the Roman Republic. One of the key questions that beg for attention is: why did African leaders embrace undemocratic practices and why are they reluctant to relinquish power? This is a complex question which cannot be adequately addressed in a single sentence. The primary purpose of this article is to address this question by providing a historical account on how the practice started and how it has evolved over time and in different political contexts. Using examples from different parts of Africa, the article provides broad explanations for the practice which are buttressed by specific examples. It then proposes the way forward.  ............

Geographically, the Sahel is located in the northern part of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) where incoming solar radiation and the NE and SE trade winds meet. Thus, the region is highly susceptible to the impact of climate change. Geopolitically, this semi-arid corridor traverses the central-north of Africa covering part or all of ten countries including Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Algeria, Niger, Chad, Sudan, South Sudan and Eritrea. In fact, these countries look like riparian states, sharing, not an actual river, but the “shore” demarcating the transition between the Sahara desert and the savannah. The Sahel covers about 3 million square km or 1.1 million square miles. Its population of about 50 million is predicted to double to 100 million in 2020 and to quadruple by 2050. Due to a combination of drought, political instability and rising food prices, an estimated 18 million people of the Sahel are facing food insecurity, caught in a vicious circle whe............

The roughly 50 years of Cold War between the Western bloc and the defunct Communist bloc was not just a bipolar struggle for ideological supremacy between the capitalist and socialist systems, it was also constructed by the victorious Western camp as a moral struggle between liberal democracy (canvassed as a universal good) and a godless form of totalitarian dictatorship (viewed as inherently evil).  The West indisputably won the Cold War. Communism was vanquished and most of the former communist countries euphorically embraced capitalist economic reforms with its concomitance of liberal democracy. For countries and regions on the periphery of the ideological divide, where the Cold War rivalry often precipitated varied intensities of armed conflicts, the end of the Cold War came as a welcome relief. The succeeding dispensation of “unipolarity” opened vast opportunities for a quickened end of different ideologically-anchored wars (e.g. the civil wars in Mozambiqu............

For those who like to describe phases in a country’s democratisation process in terms of “waves” (Huntington, 1991; Schraeder, 1995), the current wave of democratisation in Africa, which began with the end of the Cold War between 1989 and 1990, has arguably been the most promising for the continent. The defeat of communism in that great ideological conflict had led to a proclamation of a ‘New World Order' driven by an infrastructure of liberal democracy said to be the ‘end of history’ (Fukuyama, 1993). Democracy therefore became the new mantra, a wind of change that blew from the Berlin World through Eastern Europe to Africa like wild bush fire in harmattan. With military regimes thoroughly discredited in Africa after a prolonged military dictatorship that only helped to stunt economic and political progress in several countries in the continent, of the modernization theories that sought to justify military interventions in African pol............


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