African Renaissance has as a mandate to provide intellectual insights into the dynamics of the crisis of development that bedevils the African continent. Over the course of the several volumes of the journal, efforts have been made to contribute to the ongoing debates on the continent. This Special Issue of the African Renaissance keeps the tradition going with robust and well-researched contributions from scholars in the continent. The issue presents a veritable platform for the discourse of some of today’s most important issues such as food security, electoral justice, sustainable development, national integration, peace-building, decolonization, conflict and conflict resolution, xenophobia, land expropriation, diaspora, refugees, leadership among others. It of note that contributors to this Special Issue have taken the pain to look critically into these issues with a view to providing workable African solutions to Africa problems.
One other tradition of the African Renaissance that this issue has brought to bear is the spread of contributors not just from the ivory towers but also from disciplinary backgrounds. Hence, one can safely say that the journal’s commitment to multidisciplinary discourse of African issues and challenges remains a major drive. The publication process of this Issue also includes the activities of reviewers who painstakingly did justice each of the submissions and their professional critique of the submissions helped our decision-making of choosing the most qualified articles. This is noted with warm appreciation to the reviewers for their calmness and professional conduct.
I also appreciate everyone that has contributed to the publication of this Special Issue. These include especially the contributors. I note the sense of commitment and urgency with which they responded to the critiques of the reviewers. It is my belief that with this Issue, literature of African politics and Studies have received commendation enlargement from which scholars, students, policy makers and other stakeholders of African development and growth can gain tremendous insight.

Professor Victor Ojakorotu
Department of Politics and International Relations
North West University,
Mafikeng Campus,
South Africa.

In the era of sustainable development, it is important that the regions of the world work in unison to realize greater welfare for humanity and the planet. To do this, persistent inequalities based on destructive power and dominance relations need to be critically illumined and brought to an end for the sake of inclusive sustainable development. This article discusses the outcomes of a narrative inquiry into the story of Africa’s sustainable development as told by the global North. By means of a critical social narrative analysis of the official inaugural Sustainable Development Goals reports, the contribution sheds light on the ‘implied author’ and ‘master narrative’ behind the texts by critiquing the values, norms and ideologies evoked by the social narrative’s storyworld. The article concludes by highlighting that a key opportunity is available to Africa to tell a different story and craft a new narrative in an empowering manner that advances inclusive yet authentic global sustainable development.

This paper assesses the rate at which the people of Ekiti State neglect agriculture as well as explores government’s yearly allocation to agriculture in a bid to discovering the root cause of food poverty in the state. This assessment becomes inevitable because data have revealed that as of 2010, 35.8% of the population battled with food poverty. The situation grew worse by 2015 when UNDP reports posited that food poverty rate has risen to 50.1% in the state (UNDP, 2016). This is rather unfortunate for a state of Ekiti status in term of food production coupled with the fact that the state is regarded as the food basket of the South Western Nigeria. This could be an indication of continual food insecurity in the entire Southwestern Nigeria. Two factors could have resulted into this; one, a total or partial neglect of agriculture despite the fertile land the state is endowed with. Two, food poverty initiated by constant deprivation of rights on the part of past governments in the area of funds allocation.
This paper uses a simple descriptive analysis involving table and intense discussion to explore the aforementioned argument. Results show that government’s annual commitment to Agriculture remains a shrinking share of an average of 2.6% which is not quite close to the recommended 10% in line with the Malabo Declaration of 2009. This paper recommends that Government should increase its annual allocated funds to agriculture so as to boost food production and ultimately ensure food security in the state.

Africa’s history was hijacked and refurbished by the European colonialists and missionaries. They claim that there was no African history before the Europeans arrival in the shores of the continent. It is therefore imperative for Africa to go back and learn about her history, reconstruct her history before the invasion and colonization. The paper thus discusses the origin, sources and effect of the presence of the European in African education and history. The devastating effects of the slave trade era on the thought process of Africans around colonialism. It further stressed the point that slavery and colonization as being a lingering problem for Africa, with the emergence of western education learning process of Africa history, rather than African education. It also unearths the fundamental impact of African educational system and explores decolonization as the key process to re-discover Africa for development.

Non-racialism as a concept has been used in South Africa from the time of apartheid, to negate the ideology of racism. Since building a “non-racial” nation was a longstanding African National Congress goal, the word gave shape to discussions about how to address racial inequality amidst other social transformations in a free South Africa. During the time of the struggle against racism and apartheid the term non-racialism became an anti-thesis of apartheid. Propagated by the anti-apartheid strugglers, it was seen as signifying a vision for a non-racial society. It rejects racism because it refers to ideas and practices that, in the first place, accept that there are entities called races (the four apartheid categories in South Afri¬ca, for example); and, secondly, that there is a hierarchy of values¬ and abilities “traits and capacities” attributed as the inescapable¬ essence of each of these social groups, values that denigrate and demean the “inferior” race(s). The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa outlaws racism and advocates human rights. The purpose of this article is to examine the current efforts to build a non-racial society in South Africa.

The land question has remained an albatross on southern African countries that were born out of European settler colonialism. Zimbabwe attempted to put a closure on the land question through compulsory land expropriation without compensation for the land, after the failure of the willing buyer willing seller policy and the British reneging from their colonial responsibility to fund land purchases for resettlement. However, the policy which was triggered by land occupations/invasions in 1998 and officialised by the government in 2001 had some disastrous consequences on the national economy. Given that Namibia and South Africa are now facing land agitations as was the case with Zimbabwe, it is prudent for these countries to look at the Zimbabwean case and derive beneficial lessons, which was the primary objective of this paper. The paper concluded that the most important lesson is that any land reform should not be undertaken under emotional conditions or for political expedience. Such policies fail to appreciate important socio-economic factors that should be taken on-board. The paper was undertaken primarily using the review of literature on the land question as well as the economic issues of Zimbabwe.

Our central aim in this paper is to establish a link between refugees and South Africa’s peace-building efforts in Africa. We argue that the knowledge of refugees- especially those being hosted in South Africa- and the important role they can play in South Africa’s peace-building efforts in their countries is potentially a huge contribution to solving the protracted situations on the continent. By highlighting the contribution of refugees, we bring into view the important role a marginalised stakeholder can play in enhancing the efforts of South Africa’s peace-building thus, reducing refugees inflow caused by unending conflicts on the continent. Far from addressing the root causes of the influx of refugees in South Africa, the contribution of refugees to the peace-building efforts of their war ravaged countries has been a lightly studied area.

Over the decades the concept of the African diaspora has been studied based on its etymological root, attached to historical and geographical trajectory. Studying the African diaspora from within the African continent, has not received so much scholarly attention. Yet there is a clear evidence of growing diaspora communities in countries like South Africa. The issue of whether this concept constitutes an area of discourse within the African context is yet to be established. Should there be such a thing as “the African diaspora in Africa”? Can indeed Africa be externalised from within Africa? Historically the African diaspora was essentially formed as a political tool to fight against colonial domination. Despite scholars’ engagement with its dynamic nature, the concept of the African diaspora has continued to operate within the lens of externalised elitism, operating outside the continent. This article attempts to deconstruct this essentialisation by providing some understanding that the African diaspora can indeed be studied from within Africa. As an emerging economy, South Africa is increasingly becoming the hub of professional migrancy from the rest of Africa. Using the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) as the locus for this study, the article highlights the role played by constituted diaspora communities within UKZN to foster intellectual cooperation and development in Africa. Findings of this study reveal that the kind of intellectual developmental activities that foreign African scholars are involved in this institution are like what their counterparts do in other parts of the world where you find the African migrants. The article, argues that, such endeavours therefore, qualify them to belong to the fraternity of the African diaspora.

African Renaissance being a call for a re-birth of the African continent, advocates social cohesion, growth, development, promotion of values and ethics, and the establishment of Africa as a significant player in global affairs. The idea of a renaissance is an acknowledgement of a failure, in part or in whole, to realize Pan-Africanism aspirations of total liberation and unity of people of African descent. The Philosophy and movement of Pan-Africanism evoked a consciousness that questioned oppression and colonial domination. Decades after the actualization of self-determination by many African states, a united and advanced Africa remains farfetched. The re-birth of Africa is certainly long overdue. Multiple regional and sub-regional integration initiatives are reflections of attempts to achieve African renaissance and pan-Africanism. The obstacle however lies precisely in the leadership character and steps which undermines transformation. This paper argues from a political systems position that at the core of policy conceptualization, formulation and implementation, lies the human element; political actors and bureaucrats. The character and orientation of leaders, being ethical or unethical, invariable influences or gives colouration to policy outcomes. Therefore, the question of leadership in relation to ethics, character, critical thinking and constructive will sufficiently come to the fore in conversations about African renaissance and pan-Africanism. Ethical leadership invariably constitutes the nexus between Africa’s current reality and the actualization of lofty aspirations of African renaissance and pan-Africanism.

The social and political development among countries has affected relationships and that has ushered a new era wherein others nations feel that they are better off than others. The mentality of betterment has resulted in hatred among nations in the same country and from different nations. This has culminated into civil war from within and clashes from without. These conflicts have divided countries especially in Africa which is propagating Ubuntu and communalism. From the premise, the paper will investigate the historical background of xenophobia, followed by its impact on Africanism and communalism to an extent of hampering development. The paper will then propose a social developmental model that could assist in addressing xenophobia that is a threat to peace, stability, and development in South Africa.

The past few years have seen a number of election-related legal challenges in Zimbabwe, including the recently concluded 2018 post Mugabe election. Litigation has therefore become prominent phenomenon in Zimbabwean elections and thus a problematique that deserves scrutiny, since only a few works is done that is close to this. Hence, this paper seeks to analyse the role of the judiciary in election disputes and the implications for the consolidation of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe. The paper considers the judiciary’s familiarity with electoral processes and good electoral practices and how these impacts on the outcome of electoral petitions placed before it. The paper also interrogates the role played by political parties in electoral justice by looking at whether aggrieved contesting political parties have the necessary access and capacity to contribute to effective and stronger electoral justice in Zimbabwe. The paper concludes that while electoral justice in Zimbabwe lacks confidence and trust of the citizenry due largely to the fact that the Chief Justice, Chidyausiku was appointed to head the judiciary because of his allegiance and subservience to the ruling party (ZANU – PF). However, the new bench since 2017 and led by Chief Justice Malaba has promise.

Infrastructure plays a vital role in ensuring that the standard of living for the community is improved. Furthermore, infrastructural development leads to a sustainable way of increasing employment opportunities and ultimately reducing poverty levels within communities. However, inadequate infrastructure is a common problem, especially in rural areas. Developing countries suffer more in terms of infrastructural development, as the economic growth rate is slower than in more developed countries. South Africa’s rural areas are faced with challenges that hinder development and slow the pace of infrastructural development. Most of these areas are still exposed to high levels of poverty and unemployment, experience inequalities, and have poor service delivery and inadequate infrastructure. The main aim of this research was to assess the effect of infrastructural development in reducing socio-economic issues within rural areas – in other words, assessing benefits brought about by infrastructural development that tackles challenges faced by rural communities.
This study employed a qualitative exploratory research methodology, utilising semi-structured and participant observations to gain participants’ perceptions and understandings regarding infrastructural development within the Nyandeni area. The results of the study determined that lack of such development in rural areas had a negative impact on citizens’ livelihoods. Furthermore, the findings revealed that lack of resources, such as funding, affected the municipality’s ability to implement proper infrastructure that would stimulate local growth and development. In conclusion, this thesis argues that, without proper support and collaboration with other stakeholders, it would be difficult for municipalities to ensure proper infrastructural developments within rural areas.

The territory known today as Nigeria existed as a number of autonomous and sometimes hostile nationalities with cultural, linguistic and religious differences until 1900. Even the amalgamation of the country in 1914 proved insufficient basis for true unity. It failed to bring the various people together and provide a firm foundation for the arduous task of creating a closer cultural, linguistic, religious and social tie for true unity among the citizens. Rather, hatred, division, unhealthy rivalry, and obvious disparity in development pervade the land. Nigeria’s non-cohesive domestic environment has had damaging impacts on policymaking process in the country. In Nigeria, loyalty tends to lie with ethnicity and religion over nationality. Hence, the sovereignty, security and stability of the Nigerian state have come under serious threat by the activities of extremist Islamic sect, Boko Haram and other militant and secessionist groups. The insurgent group, Boko Haram and other militant organisations in the country are full expressions of this social contradiction within the Nigerian state. Thus, building a sense of national identity, loyalty, consciousness among the citizens of Nigeria have become crucial for the survival of the most populous black nation on earth. Similarly, Nigerians over the years continue to feel estranged from government policies and programmes. Even public properties are treated as “no man’s business” as they are destroyed with high level of impunity. The morale of the average Nigerian has plummeted since the country’s leaders continued to bleed the economy with impunity. Consequently, the critical question before this study is, given the divisions in the land to what extent are Nigerians ready to support the plans and policies of the government? Is the average Nigerian ready to die for this country if the worse should happen today? This investigation dissects some of the security challenges constraining Nigeria as the country strides towards building a strong and cohesive nation.

The paper interrogates the genesis of the wide spread learner-bullying against their teachers, as experienced and witnessed in South African schooling. The paper is both conceptual and empirical in nature. This is the qualitative case study design. Interviewing technique, document analysis and the observation method, were used to collect data from three selected secondary schools that have very recently faced an unabated learner-bullying. Research findings reveal that firstly, learner–bullying against teachers could result from pupils who are ill-bred. Secondly, that the spirit of un-governability inculcated in previous years learners during the freedom fighting years, is still lingering around. Thirdly, that the hostile schooling environments engulfing current learners, trigger their strange behaviour against their teachers. Fourthly, adolescence stage engulfing myriad secondary school learners, contributes to their immoral and unethical conduct against their teachers. Fifthly, the wishy-washy manner in which an enterprise of teaching and learning occurs in schools, promotes learner monotony and thus learner-bullying. Lastly, celebration of learner defiance and misbehaviour by fellow pupils aggravates bullying by culprits against teachers. The researcher recommends that the society’s national morality bar ought not be lowered any further through condoning and approving of any form of learner bullying. Furthermore, it is strongly suggested that the current secondary school learners be guided and supported to regain their moral compass, for them to salvage their own schooling future.

Several countries across the world have successfully used mutual educational and cultural exchange programmes to promote cultural understanding between their citizens and other nationalities. South Africa is also on the drive to achieve intercultural competences in its diverse institutions of higher learning. This study unpacks avenues harnessed by some rural-based universities to harmonise cultures such that there are social cohesion, mutual appreciation and unity in diversity within and beyond the community. The concept position was tested at the University of Venda and University of Zululand using a survey research design. Snowball sampling techniques were used to identify 20 key stokeholds (10 each) from both universities for a focus group discussion of 5 participants at a time. Semi-structured interview tool through participatory approach guide the data collection. Atlas-ti version 8 was used for the profiling of the internal measures in use. Result reveals that Buddy programme, cultural day event, independence day, Mandela day, Internationalisation evening, and sporting events have been harnessed as space to culturally integrate students and staff members of diverse ethnicity. While some of the programmes were introduced by these universities, some are national programmes. We recommend further investigation to examine the level of impact associated with each programme. It is also appropriate to distil and profile the limitations associated with each programme. Developing a framework for each of the programmes could assist other institutions of higher learning to adopt proper measures of enhancing cultural mix in their communities.