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JOURNAL OF AFRICAN UNION STUDIES (JoAUS) Vol. 3, Number 3, 2014 : Political Leadership in Africa: Renaissance or Regression? Jo-Ansie van Wyk

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ISSN : ISSN 2050-4306 (Online) ISSN 2050-4292 (Print)

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Political leaders accumulate and distribute power, resources, access and influence in a state. As African countries democratised in the recent past, new leaders and different styles of leadership emerged. In some instances, references were made of a leadership Renaissance on the continent. Despite these democratic gains, some political leaders have been able to maintain and further entrench their positions whilst establishing vast neo-patrimonial networks. This, and instances of electoral authoritarianism, question the quality of democracy on the continent, and, therefore, also the socio-economic development of their societies.

Apart from formal political leaders such as Presidents, Prime Ministers and Kings, informal political leaders are also active political actors in Africa. Leaders of militias, rebel groups and other nongovernmental organisations wield considerable political power in some African states. It is against this background that contributors to this special issue analyse the state, nature, consequences, and quality of contemporary African political leadership in selected case studies.

Patterns of strong Executives revolving around the personality of a president occur across Africa. One example of this includes Côte d’Ivoire. This special issue commences with a focus on Côte d’Ivoire.

Bianca Moiceanu described the country as an example of how extensive presidential power is often constructed through the crystallization of ethnic tensions, and thus impeding democratisation in a state. The central assumption of her contribution is that Ivorian former presidents bear a significant responsibility for what is today one of the most intricate political designs, with consequences that will also be visible in the elections to come. Given the contentious character of Ivorian democracy, the impact of presidentialism is

determined via a combination of approaches to democracy and democratization; one focusing on the basic law and the other on governmental practices.

The Rwandan Genocide of the early 1990s has left a lasting legacy in the country, as well as continentally and globally. Rwandan leaders have been engaged in large-scale interventions for the development and promotion of social cohesion after the genocide. Over the last twenty years, the country has made some impressive, but controversial, strides in the promotion of social, political, and economic development. Many of its successes can be credited to the policies of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)-led Rwandan Government. Samantha Lakin and Jonathan Beloff’s contribution focuses on social and political developments in post-genocide Rwanda. They analyse the impact of the RPF’s early history on the lasting ideals of Rwanda’s top leaders by focusing on factors impacting on the experiences and beliefs of the country’s incumbent

political leaders, the Rwandan Government, President Paul Kagame, Senator Tito Rutaremara, National Bank of Rwanda Governor John Rwangombwa, and Minister of Defense James Kabarebe. The RPF is affected by its unique history, which included a shift from a liberation movement to an official government entity, affecting current rebuilding policies. Particular focus is towards the ethnicity within the Rwandan society, how the economic policies that led to

underdevelopment in Uganda and Rwanda impacted the current market-oriented macroeconomic plan, Vision 20/20, and Rwanda’s

shift in international and security perspectives from reliance on

international players toward self-reliance. Combined with a basic

review of political leadership and social psychology literature, their

contribution indicate how and why these leaders have advocated to

implement policies including ethnic laws to achieve social unity,

Vision 20/20 to achieve economic growth, and security measures to

combat the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR)

in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In his contribution, Gordon Moyo analyses the nature of the ongoing

and intimate relationship between the Executive and the military

in Zimbabwe. He argues that the Zimbabwe military establishment has

over the past two decades become progressively influential in the

political economy of that country. Yet, the Executive has remained in

overall charge of the state with no visible signs of a military takeover.

Invariably, the Executive deployed a melange of subjective measures

of civilian control to maintain a symbiotic relationship with the

military. The Executive, Moyo argues, has also deployed redistributive

nationalist rhetoric as a combative ideological offensive to shield the

specters of neo-patrimonialism. As a sequel, President Mugabe is

viewed as an embodiment of the 21st century Pan-African ideals. But

the much desired democratic transition remains blocked in Zimbabwe.

Moyo concludes by arguing for the crafting of a new civil-military

relations architecture that could be used as a tool for civil military

relations transformation in Africa.

Moving away from formal political leadership, Lize-Marié Visagie

explains that with the failure of the Westphalian state in Africa; and its

inability to provide the necessary services (specifically security) to its

peoples, groups and individuals have turned to alternative sources of

authority to provide these services in order to ensure survival.

Specifically, armed non-state actors have managed to gain legitimacy

and act as providers of services to many in Africa. By gaining consent

from the governed; providing benefits in the form of public goods as

part of the utility principle; and by contributing to the common good,

the people have recognised the authority of the armed non-state actors

and, therefore, granted legitimacy to them. In essence, armed nonstate

actors have more power than just the bullet. With these actors

gaining legitimacy, the bullet ultimately provides the ballot; thus with

consent, legitimacy is granted, authority becomes rightful, and power

(although not necessarily lawful) becomes accepted.

Historically, women in Africa have been excluded from accessing

and maintaining positions as political leaders. Although women

continue to constitute the majority of the contemporary African

population, socio-economic and political barriers continue to prevent

or limit women to become or remain political leaders. In an effort to

change this, the African Union (AU), in 2005, called for 50% representation of women at all levels of political decision-making

positions by 2015 (Yoon, 2011a). Several African countries, most

notably Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia and South Africa, have heeded this

call. Quota systems have become popular in Africa as an avenue of

promoting women’s access to and representation in political leadership

positions.

In her contribution to this special edition, Sarah L. Bosha argues

that quota systems have assisted women in their political leadership

development in Africa despite societies’ gendered conceptions of

women in positions of leadership. She indicates that gender quotas

have improved the political and social agency of women in some

African states and that quota systems have and continue to encourage

women to access positions of leadership, become better political

leaders, and that their success in attaining leadership positions affects

ordinary women in communities and those in other spheres of

influence. Quota systems also encourage and enable women to further

develop their political leadership skills in governance structures and in

communities.

Building a lasting peace that sustains post-conflict economic,

political, and social development requires the full participation of all

citizens. Armed conflict and its aftermath affect women’s lives in

ways that differ from the impact on men, and those differences are

rarely taken into account during the peace-building process.

Patriarchal societies, which caused the hegemonic masculinity of war,

assume women solely as victims of conflict. Nonetheless, women are

also agents of social changes who are capable of making substantive

contributions to lasting peace in post-conflict societies. Cognizant of

this fact, the United Nations (UN), amongst other, adopted different

Resolutions to promote women’s participation in peace and security.

Against this background, Yemsrach Kidane explores women’s

leadership role in post-conflict peace-building efforts on the continent.

Kidane identifies barriers restricting women’s contribution to and role

in post-conflict reconstruction.

As the African continent continues to grapple with securing its

place in the 21st century and cementing this in the 22nd century,

approaches to leadership continue to elude the continent. Institutions

that should see the continent out of its current impasse have been put in place. However, the tenacity of these institutions is marred by the

lack of appropriate leadership paradigms that recognises with broader

agendas that benefit the majority of the peoples of Africa. This can be

attributed, on the main, to a continued erosion/lack of a moral

consciousness that we belong despite our differences and place in the

social hierarchy. Against the aforesaid, Roseline Achieng' Munwang'o

seeks to uncover some of the ways in which a moral consciousness

that recognises with unity in diversity can be nurtured and instituted as

a leadership paradigm for a new Africa.

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