Adonis & Abbey Publishers

editor@adonis-abbey.com UK: 0207 795 8187 / Nigeria:+234 705 807 8841

Electoral Violence and Post-Electoral Arrangements in Africa (AR vol 5 Nos 3&4)

About This Edition

ISSN : 1744-2532 (Print) 2516-5305 (Online)

Table of Contents :

Electoral Violence and Post-Electoral Arrangements in Africa
Issaka K. Souaré5

The end of the Cold War and big power rivalries in the late 1980s coincided with and/or contributed to the restoration or establishment of multiparty systems in most of Africa in what has been termed ‘third wave of democratisation’. This saw an opening up of political space and the formation or resurrection of opposition political parties in the region. Almost all the African countries south of the Sahara adopted new constitutions that reflected these developments, including the principle of regular legislative/parliamentary and presidential elections.

The Structural Violence of Elections: Reflections on the Post-Electoral Crisis in Kenya
Tim Murithi11

This article takes a close look at and discusses the phenomenon of violence that has accompanied elections in many African countries in recent years. The key issue that the article seeks to explore is whether electoral processes that are corrupted, distorted or procedurally flawed are in fact theatres and instruments of structural violence. Making special reference to the large scale violence seen after the disputed December 2007 general elections in Kenya, the article finds that what this post-electoral crisis demonstrated is the need for continuous systematic analysis and research on the most effective way to govern Africa’s multiethnic societies, such as Kenya. It argues that the elections were a mere trigger of a deep-seated structural violence in Kenya. It therefore concludes that in order to avoid such upheavals in the future, there must be inclusive and representative governments that uphold the principles of social justice and equitable sharing of power between the various ethnic groups of the country.

The 2007 Post-election Crisis in Kenya as a Crisis of State Institutions
Solomon Ayele Dersso21

Following the 2007 presidential elections, Kenya witnessed the most violent political upheaval since its independence in 1963. This crisis was mainly blamed on the rigging of votes reportedly committed by the incumbent and his ruling Party of National Unity (PNU). As it later became clear, however, the vote rigging was not any more than a triggering factor. The roots of the crisis were several and lie elsewhere in the political history of the country. The most important ones include the legacy of colonial rule, unequal patterns of control of political power and distribution of resources among members of different communities as well as the question of ownership and access to land. This paper goes further and argues that the conflict in Kenya is attributable to institutional problems of the Kenyan state. These institutional problems are of two types. The first of these relates to the existence of political and institutional arrangements that exacerbated divisions and rivalry. The other relates to problems in the functioning of key institutions.

Electoral Dispute Resolution in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia
Berouk Mesfin31

This article is designed to identify and analyse, in a systematic manner, the broad issues involved in the way electoral disputes are resolved in Africa with reference to Ethiopia. It first considers the political system and the electoral regime of Ethiopia. It then examines the situation and performance of the judicial system of Ethiopia before, finally, looking at the different strategies and policies of electoral dispute resolution in the country.

A Preliminary assessment of the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission Bill, 2008
Godfrey M. Musila40

Following the political crisis experienced in Kenya after the disputed December 2007 presidential elections, the Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation Committee (KNDRC) process convened and chaired by Kofi Annan, the former United Nations Secretary-General resulted in a power sharing deal as well as supplementary agreements on specific issues of reform. Among these, the NDR resolved on 14 February 2008 that a Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) be established. This short piece considers some of the salient issues implicated in the TJRC Bill, 2008 that proposes to create the TJRC. Within the constraints of space, it provides a brief assessment of the Bill, identifies some of the problematic provisions and makes brief recommendations at the end.

Kenya’s Convoluted Transition and Options for Transitional Justice
Kisiangani Emmanuel47

This article looks at the debate about transitional justice in Kenya, particularly in the context of violence that followed the proclamation of the results of the December 2007 presidential election and the historical injustices that led to this violence. It compares the case of Kenya to the transitional justice mechanisms that the authorities in post-apartheid South Africa devised to deal with the myriad injustices that that country experienced during the apartheid era. It concludes that policy choices that Kenyan authorities adopt to address this daunting issue ought to be contingent upon a number of factors, including the legacy of the country’s history, the nature of the Kenyan transition and the socio-economic and political resources at the disposal of the authorities in Nairobi.

Contextualising the Campaign, Voting and Violence in the 2007 Kenyan Elections:
Leruo Moremong59

This commentary is based on a review of five articles appearing in vol. 2, no. 2 (July 2008) of the Journal of Eastern African Studies. This volume of the journal is a special issue focusing on the December 2007 presidential election in Kenya and the violence that followed the proclamation of its results. The articles appearing therein deal with a range of issues, from the political and socio-economic contexts of the elections to the violence that ensued it, passing by the campaign and the actual process of voting. After some rigorous analysis and, in the case of some, drawing on their personal experience as actors or former actors, almost all the authors under review conclude that the elections were just a trigger for the violence that ensued and not the cause. The latter is attributed to some latent and/or unresolved structural deficiencies in the fabric and functioning of the post-colonial Kenyan state.

An Empirical/Logical Model for Testing the Success and Effectiveness of Mbeki’s Mediation in Zimbabwe
Issaka K. Souaré66

On 15 September 2008, the main protagonists in Zimbabwe’s protracted crisis signed a historic power-sharing agreement that is expected to put an end to that crisis, or at least mark the beginning of a new phase to the political problems in which that country has been embroiled since the dawn of the new Millennium. Brokered by then South African President Thabo Mbeki, the agreement provides for the formation of a government of national unity in which the main protagonists share executive powers. However, throughout his mediation, and even after the signing of this historic agreement, many criticisms were levied against Mbeki from local, regional and overseas actors. After a critical analysis of his mediation approach and outcomes and the criticisms levied against him, using an empirical/logical model, based on the three logics of actions borrowed from social psychology, this paper concludes that Mbeki’s mediation approach was/is the right approach and that it has born some fruits, incomplete as they might seem to some.

Mass media, journalism and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development: the case for a cultural approach?
Andrew Kanyegirire81

Journalism in Africa is faced with changing forms of ownership, regulation and socio-cultural and economic organisation, all of which influence conceptions of the role of journalism and the mass media to the wider society. It is within this context that this paper explores the role of journalists in covering the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). By drawing on theories of media, journalism and cultural studies to explore the nexus between the roles of journalism and NEPAD, the paper argues that the roles and identities of journalists in Africa in reference to their coverage of NEPAD, cannot simply be reduced to a single role of say ‘development’ or to a singular ‘African’ identity. It is in this sense that the paper aims to adopt a ‘cultural approach’ by highlighting the view that the roles of journalism and the identity perceptions of journalists will to an extent be shaped by their ‘social-cultural context’.

[abstract]


Annual Subscription Rate
Individual Subscriptions