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The Impact of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) in Promoting Socio-economic Development in Zimbabwe. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2018/v5n3a1
Albert Makoni & Solomon Muqayi5
The inaugural Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) was held in October 1993, and since then several TICAD summits and ministerial follow-up meetings have convened without fail, with each conference producing different resolutions and grand action plans. On the other hand, current studies show that there are many similar competing initiatives or partnerships for the development of African countries. This being the case, cynics in and out of Africa lambast TICAD and other international partnerships as mere ‘talk shows’ or ‘empty rhetoric’ since there is little or no evidence to suggest that these initiatives have made any meaningful contribution to Africa’s development. It is against this background that this study sought to evaluate the extent to which the TICAD process has promoted socio-economic development in Zimbabwe. In essence, the main objective of thise study is to assess the TICAD process vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s socio-economic development. The study primarily employed the qualitative methodology in an endeavour to unravel the underlying politics and motives that influence Japan-Africa-Zimbabwe relations, and in particular the TICAD process. Based on the research findings, the study revealed that there are certain factors and deficiencies that inhibit the TICAD initiative in Zimbabwe: the lack of political will in Tokyo to fully support Zimbabwe; and the lack of technical competency and capacity by Zimbabwean bureaucrats to derive benefits out of the process. Notwithstanding the fact that Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) towards Africa through the TICAD process is generally consistent with global development agendas such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), nonetheless, the TICAD process has failed to make any significant impact in the promotion of socio-economic development in Zimbabwe. There is little doubt that well-structured engagements between Japan, Zimbabwe and other development partners under the auspices of TICAD have the potential to offer tangible benefits for Zimbabwe’s growth and development. In light of this, this study concludes by proffering some recommendations which when adopted have the potential to re-orient the TICAD process in order for it to play a pivotal role in stimulating socio-economic development in Zimbabwe
A constitution is the surest way to address the strange paeans to dictatorship. The Constitution of Zimbabwe, 2013, entrenches the right to vote and other political rights. The recognition of such rights in the mother law of the land is important as it makes them justiciable. Justiciable provisions enable citizens to approach national courts to compel the State and its institutions or agencies to uphold duties on governance. Profound changes in the interpretation of political rights, strategic litigation in election cases, and reportage of election observers have characterized Zimbabwe’s governance matrix from Mugabe to Mnangagwa’s governments. The abandonment of overt political bigotry and the seemingly opening of democratic political spaces have aroused popular irascibility over the governance trajectory Zimbabwe should follow. This chapter investigates the governance and justice consequences of violent elections and illegitimate elections through a study of observer reactions to elections in Zimbabwe. I also examine the link between electoral politics and transformative justice by investigating the institutional concerns that bear significantly on free, fair, genuine and credible elections. The findings show the importance of constitutional and international guidelines on elections on the one hand and reportage from observers on the other in enhancing credence or discrediting the electoral process in a polity.
The study is an analysis of the various strategies applied by Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) to dominate harmonised elections in Zimbabwe, with special attention to the 2013 harmonised elections. The main objective of the study was to investigate the strategies executed by ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe’s harmonised elections. This study employed qualitative research design where data was gathered using interviews, observations and documentary analysis. Elections in Zimbabwe since 2000 have been hotly disputed and competitive. The July 2013 elections were one such aberration. Zimbabweans and other international observers were treated not only to raw violence – ZANU-PF’s attribute campaign strategy - but to shrewd and bloodless electoral processes which many strategies were unleashed, to dazzling effect and with no tangible trail of violence. The study noted that intensified vote buying through politicisation of food assistance in rural areas, partisan land redistribution, the control and use of state media and hate speech were the visible strategies that ZANU-PF adopted to reaffirm its dominance in the face of waning political popularity. More so, in 2013, ZANU-PF exuded a different modus operandi in which violence was not recorded in its physical state. If there were any cases, they were very nominal. Nevertheless, the study found that despite non-existence of violence, the people of Zimbabwe were constantly reminded of the violence of yesteryears for the purposes of disorienting the electorate from a mentality for change as well as to cultivate fear in the minds of the electorate, particularly in rural Zimbabwe. The study recommended that there be a clear demarcation between party politics and the state to avoid manipulation of state institution for political patronage.
This study explores the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in sub-Saharan Africa, focusing on Nigeria. The proliferation of SALW on the continent of Africa, according to some scholars, has been responsible for violence, crime, and terrorism in the sub-Saharan region. It has become one of the banes to security and developmental challenges in Africa during the last two decades. The wave of proliferation across Africa has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people each year in counties like Somalia, Kenya, and Nigeria. In Nigeria, SALW proliferation across the country has ravaged lives and properties, and over 2 000 people have been reported dead in the country. Suffice to say, combating SALW proliferation has been a challenge to the government. Given this situation, the key questions posed in this article are the following: What are the effects of the proliferation of SALW on the peace and security of Nigeria? Importantly, what are the challenges faced by the government in combating the SALW proliferation in Nigeria? This study adopts a qualitative research design, with interviews as the primary data source but complemented by secondary sources. After identifying the issues in combating SALW in Nigeria, it then makes concrete proposals for the way forward
Like any other concepts in international relations, national interest (NI) can hardly have a concise interpretation. It is a notion that continues to receive different nuances by various students of foreign policy, political elite, bureaucrats and security practitioners. Nonetheless, it can be viewed from “aspirational, operational and polemic” perspectives. Others see it as an instrument of political survival of a regime/government (dynastic interest), while some perceive it as a ‘General Will’. One of the major problems associated with the concept is that it keeps on re-prioritising based on regime type, leadership factor, domestic needs and international system configurations. Discussion on South Africa’s national interests (NIs) in the post-apartheid era is a culprit of these problems. Identified the state’s NIs are the protection of the country’s territorial integrity, economic development, human rights based on first, second and third generations’ interpretations and human security at sub-regional and regional levels. It is the intention of this paper to x-ray how different governments between 1994 and 2014 define NI and the operationalisation of the same either for the people’s will or for a selected few. The paper posits that NI as implemented under consideration was more of dynastic interest. This discussion shall be based on theory of constructivism
There is an increase in cases of recidivism at Chikurubi Farm Prison. This results in overcrowding in the face of limited resources. For many African prisons, rehabilitation is difficult to achieve. This is due to underfunding and overcrowding even when rehabilitation stands as a major goal for policy makers. This study sought to establish the factors influencing recidivism among convicted prisoners at Chikurubi Farm Prison. This study was guided by the Social learning theory. A qualitative research approach was used and 9 respondents from Chikurubi Farm Prison were selected through purposive sampling. The findings of this study show that most of the recidivists grew up in dysfunctional families, experienced specific challenges including substance abuse, violence, low socioeconomic status, stigmatization and unemployment. The study results have shown that prisoners who received education in prison were less likely to commit crime than those who did not. The study established that the inmates who underwent vocational training were less likely to engage in crime compared to those who did not as they were economically viable and useful to their society. The current study revealed that guidance and counselling enabled the prisoners to manage triggers of criminal behaviour such as anger, bad company, and drug abuse which earlier influenced majority of them to commit crimes they were convicted of. The study revealed that prisoners who received support for tools and equipment were less likely to re-offend than those who did not. Donor partnership in rehabilitation programs was established to increase effective rehabilitation programs and enhance their quality. This study recommends that more prisoners should be enrolled in education programs while in prison. Vocational training in prison should be increased and its quality enhanced to reduce chances of prisoners re-offending. Guidance and counseling programs should be introduced into prisons across the country to help reduce recidivism. Prisoners should be supported with tools and equipment to utilize skills they acquire in prison when they leave to integrate with the society. Prison management and government should partner with more donors in rehabilitation programs to ensure effectiveness of these programs and enhance their quality with a view to reduce recidivism in Zimbabwe and Chikurubi Farm prison in particular.
The participation of women in the Zimbabwean political terrain has evolved over many centuries. What comes into mind are such names as Charwe (the woman spirit medium of Mbuya), Ruth Chinamano, Sabina Mugabe, Mai Musodzi, Johanna Nkomo, Maria Msika, Moudy Aloisia Muzenda, Vivian Mwashita Muchichi, Victoria Fikile Mahamba, Chitepo, Julia Tukai Zvobgo, Oppah Zvipange Chamu Muchinguri, Joyce Mujuru, Margret Dongo, Prisca Mupfumira, Jessie Majome, Priscilla Misihairabwi, Lucia Matibenga, Thokozani Khupe and many more who were involved in the political activities in Zimbabwe. These women include those that went into politics because of their marriages, those who single handedly have been political activists and those that joined politics during the post-independence (after 1980) when women started increasing their representation in parliament. Women in Zimbabwe have participated in politics through various platforms such as political parties, civil societies, churches, households and the private and public sphere. This paper will analyse women’s participation in the Zimbabwean terrain. This study appreciates that there have been some academic papers written on the subject of women and politics before, however they do not seem to take a person to holder case approach. Personal experiences of the women involved in politics must be analysed in order to understand the prospects and challenges of women in politics in Zimbabwe.
This paper concludes that women involved in the Zimbabwean politics have varied characterization. The policy and legal framework for women’s participation have produced a seemingly liberalised environment. Most women still feel intimidated by men and they stay out of politics or when they are in they play it safe by not challenging men. Those that compete with men, are unfortunately sometimes labelled as “men” and they are seen as “unwomen”. Some women still find their involvement in politics as emotionally racking as they face various types of abuses. The experience of women in politics is personal, different from each person, are sometimes heart rending but can be exciting for others. Most importantly, women must be given political space.
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