editor@adonis-abbey.com UK: 0207 795 8187 / Nigeria:+234 705 807 8841
Table of Contents :
Is British Broadcasting Corporation Reclaiming Hegemonic Control of African Media Landscape Through Indigenous Language-based Programming Approach? An Analytical Discourse .DOI: https://doi.org/10.31920/2075-6534/2018/v8n2a1
Angela Nkiru Nwammuo and Abiodun Salawu 7
Language seems to be one of the major tools used in asserting hegemonic control in different parts of the world. The use of language in the process of cultural infiltration and domination has recorded huge successes as many languages in the world, especially in Africa, have been relegated to minority statuses by dominant languages, with some going into extinction. Most African languages have been battered and made unpopular, with no globally-used African language like the English, French, Spanish and German languages. The use of language to assert hegemonic control is a continuous process through which powerful nations conquer weaker ones. Most colonized countries in Africa may have achieved their physical independence and have control over their resources but they still use the language of their colonial masters thereby ensuring the gradual extinction of their own indigenous languages. In what seems to be an attempt to rescue some of the dying African indigenous languages from extinction, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), an international media organization owned by the British government, introduced indigenous language-based programming contents in various parts of Africa. It would be recalled that the British colonized a large chunk of the continent. One therefore wonders the motives behind this act by BBC. Is it another step towards reclaiming hegemonic control of Africa? The need to provide answer to this question necessitated this study. Using the analytical discussion method, the paper explores available literatures and links BBC’s indigenous language-based programming approach to the hegemonic control of the African media landscape.
Unlike in many countries around the world, a great number of South African women have since the advent of democracy in 1994 attained significant political leadership positions. Despite being constrained by traditional norms and values, the political status of women in the country has risen from 2.7% at the end of apartheid to about 47% as of 2017. Today, South Africa is among the few countries in the world with more than 40% women representation in decision-making institutions, in both national and regional governments. This paper provides explanation for this ‘exceptionalism’, with the hope that they will serve as a learning curve for communities with poor women representation. It builds on political process model within the social movement theory to unpack the phenomenon. Exploratory sequential research design, supported with qualitative and quantitative research methods was used for the study. Snowball sampling technique guided the data collection process, which was analyzed using Atlas.ti 8 and SPSS 25. The results indicated support for women education (14%), the presence of women liberation movement during the apartheid (13%), quota system (12%), protests movements against patriarchy (12%), demonstrated leadership skills (11%), and sensitization on gender equality (10%) are key factors. Other factors include institutional support (7%), willingness to serve (5%) and zeal to compete (3%). These factors interact with one another to provide the window of opportunities through which women activists participate and attain leadership positions in South African politics.
One of the most difficult tasks scholars may face is to map, in a succinct and relatively dispassionate way, the contribution made by an iconic or public figure in shaping national perceptions and policy. This is particularly true for gender as it is encompassed in both the personal and public practice of a life. In the case of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, a life lived in the limelight for much of his close to 100 years, one notes a progression and multi-dimensionality in reviewing his views of, and relationships with, women. While he is described as distinctly patriarchal, throughout his life he was drawn to and supported by strong-willed and powerful women. This article traces the reconfiguring of Mandela’s gendered thinking through different phases of his life as evident in biographies, media interviews, and various texts. The purpose is to identify philosophical and gendered tenets apparent in Mandela’s writings and life story as an invitation to renew critical debate about his legacy particularly as it pertains to gender, family life, and women’s emancipation.
Work performed directly in the service of families, including housework and childcare, is often unacknowledged all over the world because of cultural assumptions that a wife or mother should work in the privacy of the home. This study adds extra depth to the ongoing gender approach by testing whether couple negotiate specific conjugal and parent roles in terms of the division of household labour. This study seeks to discuss numerous variables that impact the division of household labour between men and women. The study was conducted in Schoemansdal village, situated in Nkomazi region, Mpumalanga Province, South Africa. The study used a qualitative research design to collect and analyze the data. Samples of married men and married women were selected in this study. The findings are as follows: Women do a disproportionate share of the housework, even when the women work, and the men don’t, and even when the women want to share the housework more equally. When most men aren’t working, they don’t see domestic labour as a means of contributing. In fact, they double down and do less of it because it challenges their masculinity. But when men earn more, women who are almost all working too, feel obliged to contribute in some way to maintaining the household, generally by cooking and cleaning.
Many students feel overwhelmed by the learning environment at tertiary institutions. They are always in a reactive mode to finish what they have started. Time management plays an important role in students’ academic life. The students struggle in the absence of mentors, supervisors such as parents, family, and teachers. This paper probed the lack of time management skills on undergraduate student’s academic performance at rural university in Limpopo Province, South Africa. A qualitative approach was used to collect data. A purposive sampling took data from nine (9) students picked from level one to third-year level. The findings confirmed a lack of time management. Work overload and stress made it difficult to address tasks adequately, and hence poor academic performances..
When African states experience the democratisation, the state becomes a target of international negative criticism. The African state becomes preoccupied with hegemonic issues and uses all means and machinery to defend its grip on power. This paper acknowledges the “Africanness” of post 2000 state in Zimbabwe. It also argues that post 2000 Zimbabwean state is a victim state. Zimbabwe`s experience in the new millennium has rarely been analysed using any views contrary to Neoliberalism. By acknowledging this gap, the paper argues that only a state that chooses to stand against Neoliberalism is forced by circumstances to earn the labels such as “brutal”, “election fraudster”, “totalitarian”, “gross abuser of human rights” churned out of the Human Rights lexicon. The argument deviates from the conventional Human Rights and pro-Neoliberal discourse that is dominant in describing post 2000 state in Zimbabwe. The paper uses secondary sources to analyse pre and post 2000 Zimbabwe, and concludes that Global Financial Institutions were the key players in setting up Zimbabwe for a repressive resistance to democratic change. It argues that the Global Financial Institutions created a new reality that forced post 2000 Zimbabwe to respond in the way it felt appropriate as a sovereign state – to retain power or let go.
After decades of military rule, Nigeria’s return to democracy and stability in 1999 has allowed areas previously avoided, such as past and current conflicts, religious clashes, and ethnic politics, to be cautiously approached and included in productions by filmmakers in spite of their potentially explosive nature – yet this last type of film is seldom produced, as the screening of contemporary history and current events in Nigeria is usually seen as a risky endeavour. This paper considers Black November (2012) and Oloibiri (2015), the two most recent Nollywood films discussing the current Delta oil-triggered conflict, replaces them in their environmental and political context and reveals Nollywood as a sounding board and political advisory platform, screening a compelling summary of the issues, highlighting the stakeholders’ conflicting interests, illustrating the environmental and social damage and calling for solutions.
Annual Subscription Rate |
Individual Subscriptions |