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Djibouti: Strategic Location, an Asset or a Curse?
Redie Bereketeab5
This article examines the costs and benefits of the strategic location of Djibouti. It is located in a strategic shipping lane where annually some 20 000 ships and 30 percent of world trade pass through. In addition, Djibouti is found pressed between two highly conflicted regions, notably the Horn of Africa and Gulf region, which from a security point of view, harnesses its global strategic importance. Nevertheless, this strategic location and importance that it draws is not only positive. It has also negative implication to the nation as well as the region in the long term. The article seeks to analyse the positive and negative implication to the country as well as the region induced by the sudden surge of strategic significance of Djibouti. It concludes, besides the economic and security benefits Djibouti gains, in the long term, the militarisation may bring dire political, social, security, stability, democratisation consequences to the region. The data for this article were collected through interviews, personal observation and secondary material.
The Economic Community of West African States was formed in the twentieth century to promote multidimensional cooperation that will bring peace and sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Ironically, while the Community tries to attain the day to day goals of the organization; the recurrent cases of civil wars, internal conflicts and terrorism continually abort the peace that is needed to enthrone sustainable regional development. This paper is a study on the challenges to regional peace in West Africa. It traced the origins as well as the organs of the Community and shows how ECOWAS has successfully managed a number of conflicts in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea Bissau and Cote d’ Ivoire, while highlighting the policies and programs adopted to manage conflict and promote sustainable development. Finally, it called for multi-track approach in the war against terrorism, revolution, multi-dimensional conflicts and political crisis that have bedevilled the West African region.
This paper analyses the relations between Zimbabwe and Russia against the backdrop of the Zimbabwean war of liberation, the collapse of USSR and Russia’s support of Zimbabwe in the 21st century. The paper argues that contrary to Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)’s narrative of relations having been cordial, this was not always the case. Zimbabwe’s war of liberation took place against the backdrop of the Cold War in which there was ideological competition between the West and the East. Crucially, the war of liberation occurred during the period of China-Russia tensions and in this period, ZANU threw its lot with the Chinese. Furthermore, during the Cold War, Zimbabwe had good relations with capitalist Britain and United States of America (USA) two of Russia’s rivals. However, popular Zimbabwean history and the official narrative tend to ignore the tensions which bubbled under the surface. Instead, they peddle an uncritical accounts laced with historical amnesia. Russia has been viewed as having been a long-standing ally of Zimbabwe and praised for its role in the war of liberation. Little mention is made of the fact that Russia was distrusted by ZANU and was not even allowed to have an embassy in the country for about three years. Zimbabwe’s attitude towards Russia was influenced by ZANU’s relations with China which was Russia’s rival. Harare was suspicious of Moscow’s intensions and believed that its close ties to ZAPU would tempt her to overthrow her government. Relations between the two have been characterised by tension, suspicion and co-operation.
Young urban Gambians frequent cybercafés largely to use the Internet as a way to orchestrate encounters with foreigners as part of a strategy of accumulating economic capital. This form of ‘hustling’ is part of a poverty reduction strategy that is generally conducted through the appropriation of new technologies. This form of ICT use is in some disjuncture with the developmental theories of ICTs. Most significantly, such theories foreground use of the internet to meet information needs whereas the users in this study engage in the contextual and non-developmental use ICTs.
Drawing on data collected from ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2014 in Brikama, the Gambia, where internet use in cybercafés has rapidly grown over the past two decades, I use the cases ‘chanters’ (cyber hustlers) to shed light on the life-trajectories of young marginalised urban Gambians. In particular, I examine the narratives of young Gambians who engage in internet mediated encounters with foreigners as a livelihood strategy. The study explores the income generating strategies employed by the youths through these encounters and the opportunities it provides for them and their families. It suggest that, young urban Gambians accumulate wealth by employing various methods and ruses in their interactions with toubabs (white westerners) through internet-mediated encounters.
The African continent has remained a hotbed of conflict. Over the years, there have been different manners of crisis that breached the domestic and international peace of the states that make up the continent as well as the regions there-in. Over the years, these conflicts have affected the dynamics of the past Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This paper, which used descriptive historical methodology to present its argument, clearly shows how slavery, terrorism, political conflicts, civil wars, coups etc. weakened the foundations for the implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It reviewed the different goals of the contemporary SDGs and showed vividly how they are under the threat of multi-dimensional conflicts. The work concluded by recommending peace building strategies, developmental partnerships, transformative justice and strong institutions as ways to end the conflict and create solid foundation for the growth of SDGs.
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